GFIW condemns raids on its head office and calls for solidarity

The GFIW has issued this statement.

Labour Friends of Iraq is deeply concerned to hear of these raids.

On 23 February, American and Iraqi forces raided the head office of the General Federation of Iraqi Workers (GFIW) and arrested one of the Union security staff.

This unprovoked attack resulted in the destruction of furniture, the confiscation of a computer and fax machine and the arrest of employee who was released unharmed later same day.

The same force repeated this unprovoked attack on 25 February and caused further damage.

The GFIW while condemning this unprovoked attack and calls on the occupation forces to issue a written apology, to return all the GFIW property and compensate for the damages they caused to our office.

We call on trade unions around the world to show solidarity by condemning these attacks and sending messages of support to the GFIW.

The GFIW Executive
Baghdad 26 February 2007

Culture That Respects Human Rights Will Take Time

Bakhtyar Amin the former minister for human rights in Iraq, argues that good governance and a culture of justice will only come with time for a state unused to such concepts.

Progress of the Baghdad security plan

Hameed Moussa, head of the Iraqi Communist Party, also described the plan as positive, and called comforting the initial indications. It will succeed despite of challenges and difficulties, he added.

Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki on Saturday had praised the results of a newly implemented security strategy, in which he claimed that Iraqi and coalition forces have killed 400 terrorists and detained more than 400 others.

'Baghdad will not be a sanctuary for the outlaws,' said al-Maliki during a press conference on Saturday. He added: 'The results (of the new plan) are positive, several terrorist cells were dismantled.' Al-Maliki also said that politicians are not allowed to interfere in the security issues.

Substantial debate on Iraq in the Lords

Here is the full text of the debate. Baroness Ramsay included the following in her contribution: It would take too long here today to give anything like a full account of the positive developments in today’s Iraq, such as the burgeoning of civil society, with thousands of NGOs registered, or the achievements of many courageous Iraqis who are struggling to make a success of a democratic Iraq. Some have given up comfortable lives abroad in exile to return to serve their country, such as the water Minister.

I should like, however, to take a moment to draw the attention of the House to the current visit to the UK of 11 representatives of the new Iraqi Teachers’ Union. All of them are teachers or school inspectors working in dangerous conditions and risking their lives to educate the young. Their views were summed up by a school inspector who had suffered under Saddam as “optimistic” that in two to three years the current problems will be ended and a new and better life expected. If they are optimistic, then so can we be, and we have a duty to help them to realise their hopes.

Ann Clwyd salutes bravery of Iraqi Teachers

I am sure that my right hon. Friend would agree that there aremany heroes in Iraq, including the people of Iraq themselves. This week, we had a visit from a group of 11 representatives of teachers’ unions from Iraq. One of them was the wife of a man who had been executed by the regime, and another was a schools inspector who had spent four years on death row under the old regime. Whatever the leader of the Liberal Democrats says—I hope that he will go to Iraq soon, because unlike many of us, he has never been there, as far as I know—one of the teachers said:

“We are optimistic that all these things will be ended within one year, two years, three years. Then we are expecting a new life, a better life.”

Another teacher, Mohammed Saeed Hatem, said that the situation today

“was still better than it was. A bloody dictatorship has gone.”

We should not forget that.

The Prime Minister: Obviously, I agree wholeheartedly with what my right hon. Friend says.

Tony Blair statement in the Commons on Iraq and the Middle East

21 February 2007

With permission, Mr Speaker, I shall make a Statement, on recent developments in Iraq and across the Middle East.

Saddam was removed from power in May 2003. In June of 2004 the UNSC passed a resolution setting out the support of the international community for the incoming Interim Government of Iraq, for a political process leading to full democratic elections overseen by the UN itself and for Iraq’s reconstruction and development after decades of oppression and impoverishment under Saddam’s dictatorship.

In January 2005 the first elections were held for a Transitional National Assembly. 7 million people voted. A new constitution was agreed. In December 2005 full Parliamentary elections were held. 12 million Iraqis voted and in May 2006 the first fully elected Government of Iraq was formed. It was expressly non-sectarian, including all the main elements of Iraqi society – Shia, Sunni and Kurdish. Throughout there has been full UN backing for the political process and now for the Government of Prime Minister Maliki.

Successive UN Resolutions have given explicit approval for the presence of the MNF.

The political process has thus continued through these years. For example, as we speak, the Iraqi Parliament is awaiting the report on amending the Constitution from its Constitutional Review Committee; a draft law on de-Baathification, relaxing some of the restrictions on former Baath Party members; and the new hydrocarbon legislation which will attempt to spread fairly and evenly the proceeds of Iraq’s considerable oil wealth.

However, the political process, the reconstruction, the reconciliation, everything that the UN have set out as the will of the international community and Iraqis have voted for, has been thwarted or put at risk by the violence and terrorism that has beset the country and its people. From the appalling terrorist outrage in August 2003 that killed the UN Special Representative and many of his colleagues to this day, Iraq and Baghdad in particular has been subject to a sickening level of carnage, some aimed at the MNF but much aimed deliberately to provoke a sectarian struggle between Sunni and Shia. The bombing of the shrine at Samarra in February 2006 was designed precisely to provoke Shia death squads to retaliate against Sunni.

The violence comes from different sources. Some of it originates with former Saddamists; some with Sunnis who are worried that they will be excluded from the political future of Iraq. Much of the so-called “spectacular” suicide bombings are the work of Al Qaida whose grisly presence in Iraq since 2002 has been part of their wider battle with the forces of progress across the world. Now Shia militant groups like Jaish-al Mahdi – JAM – are responsible for the abduction and execution of innocent Sunni.

These groups have different aims, different ideologies but one common purpose: to prevent Iraq’s democracy from working.

Throughout all the wretched and inexcusable bloodshed, one hope remains. Talk to anyone in Iraq of whatever denomination, whether Iraqi, or part of the MNF, whether civilian or military, and they all say the same thing: the majority of Iraqis do not want it to be like this. They voted despite the violence. They know its purpose and its effect and they hate both.

There can be legitimate debate about what was right and what was wrong in respect of the original decision to remove Saddam. There can be no debate about the rights and wrongs of what is happening in Iraq today. The desire for democracy is good. The attempt to destroy it through terrorism is evil. Unfortunately that is not the question. The question is: not should we, but can we defeat this evil; do we have a plan to succeed?

Since the outset our plan, agreed by Iraq and the UN, has been to build up Iraqi capability in order to let them take control of their own destiny. As they would step up, we would, increasingly, step back. For three years therefore we have been working to create, train and equip Iraqi Security Forces capable of taking on the security of the country themselves. In normal circumstances, the progress would be considered remarkable. There are now 10 divisions of the Iraqi Army, over 130,000 soldiers, able in significant parts of the country to provide order. There are 135,000 in the Iraqi Police Service. There the progress has been more constrained and is frequently hampered by corruption and sectarianism but nonetheless, again, in normal circumstances it would be considered a remarkable effort. The plan of General Petraeus – then an Army Commander in Iraq, now the Head of the Coalition forces there – which was conceived in 2004 has in its essential respects been put in place.

But these are not normal circumstances. The Iraqi Forces have often proved valiant. But the various forces against them have also re-doubled their efforts. In particular in and around Baghdad where 80-90 per cent of the violence is centred, they have engaged in a systematic attempt to bring the city to chaos. It is the capital of Iraq. Its strategic importance is fundamental. There has been an orgy of terrorism unleashed upon it in order to crush any possibility of it functioning.

It doesn’t much matter if elsewhere in Iraq – not least in Basra – change is happening. If Baghdad cannot be secured, the future of the country is in peril. The enemies of Iraq understand that. We understand it.

So, last year, in concert with our Allies and the Iraqi Government, a new plan was formulated, and promulgated by President Bush in January of this year. The purpose is unchanged. There can be only one purpose in Iraq: to support the Government and people of the country to attain the necessary capability to run their own affairs as a sovereign, independent state.

But the means of achieving the purpose were adjusted to meet the changing nature of the threat. The Baker/Hamilton report, to which I pay tribute, also informed the strategy.

There are three elements to the plan. First, there is the Baghdad Security Initiative, drawn up by Prime Minister Maliki and currently underway. It aims, like the Operation in Basra has done, to take the city, district by district, drive out the extremists, put the legitimate Iraqi Forces in charge and then make it fit for development, with a special fund in place able to deliver rapid improvement.

It began last Tuesday. It is far too early to tell its results, though early indications are more promising than what was tried, unsuccessfully, some months back. In particular, there is no doubt of its welcome amongst ordinary people in Baghdad.

The second part of the plan is a massive effort to gear up the capability of the Iraqi Forces, to plug any gaps in command, logistics, training and equipment.

Thirdly, there is a new and far more focussed effort on reconciliation, reconstruction and development. There are now talks between Iraqi officials and both Sunni and Shia elements that have been engaged in fighting. It is again too early to draw conclusions, but this is being given a wholly different priority within the Iraqi Government and by the MNF.

In addition, there have been changes made by Prime Minister Maliki – to whose leadership I pay tribute – to the way economic development and reconstruction monies are administered within the Iraqi Government – with DPM Barham Saleh given specific responsibility. This will allow the disbursement of funds to be made and will allow, in Baghdad and elsewhere, development and reconstruction to follow closely on the heels of improved security.

The objective of all of this is to show the terrorists they cannot win; to show those that can be reconciled that they have a place in the new Iraq; and the Iraqi people that however long it takes, the legitimate Iraqi Government which they elected and which the international community supports, will prevail.

The aim of the additional US forces announced by President Bush is precisely to demonstrate that determination. If the Plan succeeds, then, of course, the requirement for the MNF reduces including in Baghdad. It is important to show the Iraqi people that we do not desire our Forces to remain any longer than they are needed; but whilst they are needed, we will be at their side.

In this context, what is happening in Basra is of huge importance. Over the past months, we have been conducting an operation in Basra, with the 10th Division of the Iraqi Army, to reach the stage where Basra can be secured by the Iraqis themselves.

The situation in Basra is very different from Baghdad. There is no Sunni insurgency. There is no Al Qaida base. There is little Shia on Sunni violence. The bulk of the attacks are on the MNF. It has never presented anything like the challenge of Baghdad. That said, British soldiers are under regular and often intense fire from extremist groups, notably elements of JAM. I would like, as I have often done in this House, to pay my profound respects to the British Armed Forces. Whatever views people have about Iraq, our Forces are dedicated, professional, committed and brave beyond belief. This country can be immensely proud of them. We send again our whole-hearted sympathy to the families of those that have fallen, and the injured and their families also.

As a result of this operation, which is now complete the Iraqi Forces now have the primary role for security in most parts of the city. It is still a difficult and sometimes dangerous place. But, many extremists have been arrested or left the city. The reported levels of murder and kidnapping are significantly down. Surveys of Basrawis, after the Operations had been conducted, show a much greater sense of security. There is reconstruction now happening in schools and health centres, around 300 projects altogether.

A few days ago, DPM Barham Saleh organised the Basra Development Forum. He announced a $200 million programme of development in infrastructure and public services. In addition, the international community - with Britain in the lead - has developed projects to increase power supply, put in place proper sewage systems, and increased the supply of drinking water to thousands of homes. The plan to develop Basra port will be published later this year. The problems remain formidable, not least in providing work where for decades, 50 per cent or more of the city has been unemployed.

In an extraordinary development, the Marsh Arabs, driven from one of the world’s foremost ecological sites by Saddam, have been able to re-settle there.

What all of this means is not that Basra is how we want it to be. But it does mean that the next chapter in Basra’s history can be written by Iraqis.

I have discussed this with Prime Minister Maliki and our proposals have his full support and indeed represent his wishes.

Already we have handed over prime responsibility for security to the Iraqi authorities in Al Muthanna and Dhi Qar. Now in Basra, over the coming months, we will transfer more of the responsibility directly to Iraqis. None of this will mean a diminution in our combat capability. The actual reduction in Forces will be from the present 7,100 – itself down from over 9,000 two years ago and 40,000 at the time of the conflict – to roughly 5,500. However, with the exception of Forces which will remain at Basra Palace the British Forces will be located at Basra Air Base and be in a support role. They will transfer Shaibah Logistics Base, the Old State Building and the Shaat Al’Arab Hotel to full Iraqi control.

The British Forces that remain in Iraq will have the following tasks
• training and support to Iraqi Forces
• securing the Iraq/Iran border
• securing supply routes

and, above all, the ability to conduct operations against extremist groups and be there in support of the Iraq Army when called upon.

Over time and depending naturally on progress and the capability of the ISF, we will be able to draw down further, possibly to below 5,000 once the Basra Palace site has been transferred to the Iraqis in late summer. We hope that Maysan Province can be transferred to full Iraqi control in the next few months and Basra in the second half of the year. The UK military presence will continue into 2008, for as long as we are wanted and have a job to do. Increasingly our role will be support and training, and our numbers will be able to reduce accordingly.

Throughout MND(South East), the UK depends on the steadfastness of our coalition partners – Denmark, Australia, Romania, the Czech Republic and Lithuania. I pay tribute to them. I welcome the continuing Australian role at Tallil in Dhi Qar province. We are keeping in close touch with our allies as the transition proceeds.

The speed at which this happens depends, of course, in part on what we do, what the Iraqi authorities themselves do; but also on the attitude of those we are, together, fighting. Their claim to be fighting for the liberation of their country is a palpable lie. They know perfectly well that if they stopped the terror, agreed to let the UN democratic process work and allowed the natural talent and wealth of the country to emerge, Iraq would prosper. We would be able to leave. It is precisely their intent to eliminate such a possibility.

In truth, this is part of a wider struggle taking place across the region. The Middle East is facing an epochal struggle between the forces of progress and the forces of reaction.

The same elements of extremism trying to submerge Iraq – or Afghanistan for that matter – are the same elements that across the region, stand in the way of a different and better future. None of this absolves us from responsibility. In fact, for too long, we believed that provided regimes were “on our side”, what they did to their own people was their own business. We must never forget that Saddam inflicted one million casualties in the Iran-Iraq war and butchered hundreds of thousands of his citizens, including, by chemical weapons attack, wiping out whole villages of people.

We need now to recognise that the spread of greater freedom, democracy and justice to the region is the best guarantee of our future security as well as the region’s prosperity. That is why peace between Israel and Palestine is not an issue inhabiting a different domain of policy. It is a crucial part of the whole piece. I shall meet President Abbas later today, talk to Prime Minister Olmert, and within the last 24 hours have had detailed discussions both with President Bush and Secretary Rice. I will once again emphasise the importance of basing the proposed NUG on the Principles of the Quartet. I will also stress our complete and total determination to use the new opportunity to create the chance for peace.

I have always been a supporter of the State of Israel. I will always remain so. But for the sake of Israel as well as for all we want to achieve in the Middle East, we need a proper, well functioning, independent and viable State of Palestine.

We should support all those across the region who are treading the path of progress – from the Government of Lebanon, whose Prime Minister courageously holds firm to democracy, to those countries and there are many, who are taking the first fledgling steps to a different and more democratic governance.

As for Iran and Syria, they should not be treated as if the same. There is evidence recently that Syria has realised the threat Al Qaida poses and is acting against it. But its intentions towards Iraq remain ambiguous and towards Lebanon hostile.

The statements emanating from Iran are contradictory, but as the words yesterday of the head of the IAEA indicate, their nuclear weapons ambitions appear to continue. But both countries – though very different – have a clear choice: work with the international community or defy it. They can support peace in Palestine, democracy in Lebanon, the elected Government of Iraq – in which case they will find us willing to respond; or they can undermine every chance of progress, uniting with the worst and most violent elements, in which case they will become increasingly isolated, politically and economically.

But what nobody should doubt is that whatever the debates about tactics, the strategy is clear: to bring about enduring change in the Middle East as an indispensable part of our own enduring security. The poisonous ideology that erupted after 9/11 has its roots there, and is still nurtured and supported there. It has chosen Iraq as the battleground. Defeating it is essential. Essential for Iraq.

But also, now, for us here in our own country. Self-evidently the challenge is enormous. It is the purpose of our enemies to make it so. But our purpose in the face of their threat, should be to stand up to them, to make it clear that however arduous the challenge the values that they represent will not win and the values we represent, will.

Iraqi heroes

LFIQ Vice-President Harry Barnes reports on the meeting with the delegation of Iraqi teachers.

He writes that the Iraqi Teachers pointed out just how catastrophic education had been under Saddam. For dictatorship rests upon manipulative and superficial forms of what passes for education. Saddam's educational programme has impacted upon generations of school children and when political change came, it did not come from the Iraqi people themselves but via invasion.

The formation of the new Government had, however, impacted upon the entire nation and had given the new Teachers' Union the opportunity to press for many changes in educational practices, including an end to the culture of violence.

Message from Prime Minister

Tony Blair sent the following message of support to the Iraqi Teachers Union who were guests of Labour Friends of Iraq and Executive Member Baroness Royall at a meeting in the Lords on 19th February.

I regret that I cannot be with you.

I am delighted that the delegation from the Iraqi Teachers' Union is here in the UK. I commend the efforts of the NASUWT and others in providing your new and free union with training and support so that it can better stand on its own two feet and contribute to the building of civil society and democracy in Iraq.

It's an honour to recognise your bravery and to pass on my best wishes for the future.

The Higher Education Minister Bill Rammell also attended giving a message of support from himself and Alan Johnson, the Secretary of State for Education.

LFIQ President tables Commons motion in support of solidarity with Iraqi Teachers

That this House congratulates the Trades Union Congress and the National Association of Schoolmasters/Union of Women Teachers (NASUWT) on their decision to host a fact-finding visit by 10 representatives of the new Iraqi Teachers' Union, in co-operation with the General Federation of Iraqi Workers, during which they were based in Birmingham and London, observed the work of the NASUWT and received intensive training, visited workplaces and met members of other trade unions including Community, the Association of Teachers and Lecturers and the National Union of Teachers, as well as parliamentarians; notes the comments of Mahdi Ali Lefta, the head of the delegation that `These people who attack education, attack schools and teachers have nothing in their heart but hate and violence and they want the destruction of Iraq...They have no sense of humanity'; further notes the inspiring comments of Ali Ahmed Sindal, aged 63, a school inspector, who spent four years on death row under Saddam Hussein that `We are optimistic that all these things will be ended within one year, two years, three years...Then we are expecting a new life, a better life'; commends unions such as the NASUWT for providing vital training and support to the new and free trade union movement in Iraq so that it can stand on its own two feet and contribute to building civil society and democracy in Iraq; and hopes that more such visits can be arranged.

Sunni Oil Could Reduce Sectarian Tensions

The possibility of large oil reserves in mostly Sunni territory near the Syrian border could have significant political effects.(Dave Spector)

TUC Iraq Bulletin

The latest TUC Iraq Bulletin carries news of Iraqi union protests over the draft hydrocarbons which give US oil companies too much profit for too long from Iraqi oil. The Bulletin also reports that the GFIW has held talks with Iraq's Deputy Prime Minister Barham Salih about the state of Iraqi labour law, and he will be ensuring that the Prime Minister meets trade unions to discuss developments. Barham Salih was a member of the Labour Party in Cardiff when he was in exile in the 1980s, and the meeting with the GFIW was brokered by Ann Clwyd MP when the TUC told her of the Iraqi union movement's problems. (Gary Kent)

Teachers are the quiet heroes of Baghdad

The Observer carries a moving report of the delegation from the Iraqi Teachers Union which is currently in the UK as guests of the NASUWT. One says: We have no choice. We have to carry on living, we have to go out. These extremists want to stop life and the best thing to them is to stop us going to school and teaching the children. But if they stop that then everything will collapse. Teacher Mohamed Seed Hatem said the situation today 'was still better than it was. A bloody dictatorship has gone.'

Reasons to be cheerful?

Mohammed Baraka & Ahmed Alaskary of the Iraqi Prospect Organisation, an Iraq-based network of young men and women promoting democratic values, assess security developments. (Gary Kent)

Recent developments politically and on the ground in Iraq point to possible genuine progress in dealing with the current security crisis.

• Moqtada Al Sadr, head of the Mehdi army and a large bloc in parliament, is giving signals that he may be willing to negotiate or compromise as forces begin the latest security crackdown.

Recently the Sadrist bloc did agree to end their prolonged boycott and return to parliament. Their return occurred despite the arrest of a top aide to Moqtada, Sheik Abdul-Hadi al-Darraji by Iraqi and US forces. The Sadr faction also gave unanimous approval to the Prime Minister’s latest security proposal in parliament. On top of this, the recent arrest of the Deputy Health Minister Hakim al-Zamili, accused of diverting millions of dollars to the biggest Shiite militia and allowing death squads the use of ambulances and government hospitals to carry out kidnappings and killings, is a symbol of the new no-nonsense approach by Nouri Maliki. These events are significant on two levels:

1. There are finally some concrete actions by Nouri Al-Maliki’s government to follow-up on its previous verbal commitment to the Maliki-Bush plan. The arrest of Hakim al-Zamili and Sheik Abdul-Hadi al-Darraji is a clear and powerful message on the part of the Prime Minister on how he wishes to deal with militias who do not respect the rule of law.

2. It shows a clear shift in position on the part of Moqtada, who seems to be more willing to work within the political process. While some suggest this change of heart is due to his realisation that many sections of the Mehdi army are increasingly operating outside of his control, further dialogue and cooperation still remain the best way to deal with him and his militia.

News Analysis brought to you by the Iraqi Prospect Organisation

Will the Surge work?

Zainab Naji of the Institute For War and Peace Reporting surveys different views of the Surge (Dave Spector).

DfID outlines its work in Iraq

Parliamentary Answers 7th February

Mark Simmonds: To ask the Secretary of State for International Development what funding his Department has allocated for the reconstruction and development of Iraq in each of the next three years; and through which channels the money will be distributed.

Mr. Thomas: The UK will spend at least another £100 million over the next three years on humanitarian and reconstruction assistance to Iraq on top of our 2003 Madrid pledge of £544 million, which is now fully disbursed. This further allocation of £100 million brings the total UK commitment to £644 million.

Some of this funding will be channelled through DFID’s bilateral programme of assistance to Iraq. This will help the Iraqi Government to make better use of their substantial oil resources; and assist the Iraqi Government, at provincial and national level, to plan and deliver investment in basic services (electricity, hospitals, etc.), improve oil production levels, generate jobs and manage its own resources more effectively. In addition, funding will be channelled through the UK’s contribution to EC funding for Iraq, and through the Global Conflict Prevention Pool (GCPP).

Mark Simmonds: To ask the Secretary of State for International Development what reconstruction and development objectives his Department set for (a) education, (b) water and sanitation, (c) health care and (d) microfinance in Iraq prior to the invasion of Iraq; to what extent they have been met; and if he will make a statement.

Mr. Thomas: Prior to the invasion of Iraq in 2003, DFID objectives were to ensure that there was sufficient preparation to avert a major humanitarian crisis during and immediately after the conflict and facilitate the rapid restoration of essential services such as health care, power, and water and sanitation. Much of our initial support was channelled through United Nations agencies, the International Red Cross and non-governmental organisations. These organisations moved back into Iraq quickly and set up effective humanitarian operations after the major conflict ended. They had experience of working in Iraq, well-established local networks and a capacity to deliver assistance on the ground. While several agencies withdrew expatriate personnel from Iraq for security reasons during the remainder of 2003, many of their programmes continued under the management of well-qualified local staff.

There have been successes:

In education, over 5,000 schools have been rehabilitated; more than 100,000 primary and 40,000 secondary schools teachers have been trained; and over 70 million new textbooks distributed.

In water and sanitation, around £660 million has been spent on over 300 projects to repair essential infrastructure; but decades of neglect and an ageing infrastructure means that the overall access to drinkable water and sewage systems remains similar to pre 2003 levels.

In health care, over 5 million children have received life-saving vaccinations. More than 1,000 health care facilities rehabilitated or equipped, and more than 6,000 health workers trained. Through extensive disease control programmes, the prevalence of leishmaniasis, measles, malaria and polio has declined.

In microfinance, two institutions are operating across Iraq, which have made US$78 million worth of loans to over 40,000 clients.

Continued violence, including sabotage of key infrastructure facilities, and low (but growing) levels of technical capacity in Iraq’s national and local governments have made progress difficult. However, Iraq is not a poor country. The Iraqi Government plans to spend over £20 billion (US$40 billion) in 2007. The real challenge is to help the Government of Iraq spend this money effectively so that Iraqis see real improvements. DFID is providing expert advice to help the Government do this at national and provincial level.

TUC condemns anti-union terrorism in Iraq

TUC General Secretary Brendan Barber has condemned three examples of barbarous terrorism against the trade union movement in Iraq.

Writing personally to the General Secretary of the Iraqi GFIW, Rasem Al-Awady, he said:

Trade unionism is founded on the principle that an injury to one is an injury to all, and I have no doubt that, contrary to their intentions, the actions of these terrorists will only redouble the commitment of Iraqi trade unionists, and the solidarity of trade unionists around the world for your struggles.'

The TUC, which is part of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and is running a TUC Aid for Iraq Appeal to deliver assistance to the Iraqi trade union movement, spoke out in response to three terrorist attacks on the trade union movement on Wednesday 31 January.

Brother Khalil Ibrahim Al-Mashhadani, Vice-President of the General Federation of Iraqi Workers (GFIW) as well as General Secretary of the Arab Federation of Building and Wood Workers, was injured in a bomb attack. He has been hospitalised and is said to be stable.

Dr. Adnan Al-Abed , legal counsellor to the GFIW and Professor of Law at Al-Nahrain University was found murdered together with two of his colleagues, three days after the three professors were kidnapped by armed militants in front of the faculty of law. Doctor Al-Abed was known as one of the most prominent experts on labour matters in Iraq, and a principal supporter of the Iraqi labour movement. His last work was a revision of the ILO-sponsored draft labour law for Iraq.

A car bomb targeted the building of the GFIW's branch in the Nineveh governorate on the same morning, resulting in the injury of many workers and trade unionists.

The GFIW's Executive Bureau issued a declaration which concluded with the following resilient statement (translated into English by the ITUC Amman Office from the Arabic):

'The terrorist acts, the annihilation of trade unionists, the destruction and occupation of trade union offices, the freezing of the trade union movement's assets and the putting of obstacles in our way will only increase our resolve to build an independent, democratic trade union movement that is free of government and party hegemony.'

The TUC is concerned that terrorists in Iraq are increasingly targeting trade unionists, both officials and ordinary members, in their attempt to crush a secular, non-sectarian and democratic force in Iraq.

Sectarian Hate Breads More Violence

The London-based Iraqi Association has issued this media release

We are devastated by the latest carnage in Baghdad that over 130 people were killed and 300 wounded on Saturday in the deadliest single bombing. The blast at the al-Sadriya market area demolished at least three buildings and set fire to dozens of businesses, trapping scores of people under piles of rubble.

“This kind of atrocities disfigures the Baghdadi people and breads more refugees and internally displaced people.” Said Jabbar Hasan of Iraqi Association in London.

“Those who want peace in Iraq represent the overwhelming majority of all ethnic and religious groups. And those who want to fail Iraqi people are the forces of darkness of death squads, bitter-enders of previous regime, foreign terrorists and militias’ sadistic sectarian murderers and their thuggish rivalries.” Said Jabbar Hasan.

As the fourth year of war nears its end, the Middle East's largest refugee crisis is unfolding in a climate of fear, persecution and tragedy. According to UNHCR, Nearly 2 million Iraqis - about 8 percent of the pre-war population have sought safety mostly in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. The refugees include large numbers of doctors, academics and other professionals vital for the country’s recovery. The latest carnage will push people further to leave their homes. Western developed countries must not neglect the Iraqi refugee crisis in Jordan and Syria, urgent solutions must be considered.

For more information please contact Jabbar Hasan on 020 8741 5491
Mobile 07761 081030 Email: info@iraqiassociation.org

Notes to editors:

1. Every year Iraqi Association deals with more than 10,000 cases.

2. We work with local NGOs in Iraq to supports children, those who have been affected by war and violence. You can donate online using our secure website www.iraqiassociation.org

3. We also assist people here with settlement needs and integration process.

How do Iraqi Communists view the upsurge of violence in Iraq?

Salam Ali is interviewed on the Iraqi Communist view of the current situation. He says, for instance, the following on the presence of foreign troops: A national consensus is emerging in Iraq, among the major political forces, that there should be a clearly defined objective timetable for a speedy withdrawal of the occupying forces, linked to rebuilding the Iraqi armed forces. Up to now, Bush has adamantly refused to be committed to such a timetable, obviously preferring an open-ended military presence and occupation. While an immediate withdrawal is widely seen by Iraqis as not feasible, it is increasingly not acceptable to have an open-ended foreign military presence, especially with the evident responsibility of the Americans for certain aspects of the deteriorating security situation.

Iraqi fuel crisis

The IFTU reports a worsening fuel crisis in Iraq, due to smuggling according to Iraqi authorities. Gary Kent

Huge queues at petrol stations in Baghdad stretch for several kilometres and law enforcement agencies deployed to keep order are doing their best to contain the chaos.

The country’s fuel and power crisis,; Lack of security, onslaught of extremists and unemployment are putting a huge burden on working people.

Transport costs have soared, pushing up the price of food and other essential commodities and this has impact severely on working people and the unemployed

Oil Ministry officials blamed smuggling of oil for the fuel crisis in the country.