LFIQ backing for Iraqi union rights campaign

Labour Friends of Iraq gives its full support to this vital campaign in support of the rights and independence of the Iraqi labour movement. We have worked with our Iraqi brothers and sisters and many people in the UK for the last six years to do our bit to help the Iraqi trade unions stand on their own two feet, as they put it when a LFIQ delegation met 22 leaders of the movement in 2006 (see picture on the left).

The work of the Iraqi trade unions in helping to build a vibrant civil society, encouraging the participation of women and supporting the political and democratic process will, we think, do much to overcome the legacy of the previous regime whose crimes included the near annihilation of the trade unions. We hope that the widest range of labour and democratic organisations in the UK and internationally back this campaign.

We hope that Iraq regains its rightful position in the international community. Its undoubted natural and human resources means it will be prosperous. A strong trade union movement will ensure that this is combined with social justice for those who produce the wealth.

Dave Anderson MP and Gary Kent for Labour Friends of Iraq

Iraqi workers standing up for their rights

Please support this new campaign

Seven years after the fall of Saddam, Iraqi workers are long due their fundamental rights at work. Support them in their call on the government to put in place a fair and just labour law.

Nearly seven years have passed since the fall of the Saddam's regime, yet many of its laws continue to apply, making it impossible for Iraqi trade unions to organise and bargain on behalf of their members. Workers in the public sector can't join unions, the Government has frozen trade union assets, and key parts of Government have attempted to take over trade unions. These laws are undermining the immense contribution democratic and independent trade unions can make to Iraq's fledgling democracy.

While several versions of a new labour code have been drafted, political opposition and a gridlocked Parliament has seen them only gather dust.

In response workers and unions from across the country - from Basra to Iraqi Kurdistan - have come together to demand the government put in place a fair and just labour law. In the face of often tremendous personal risk, the campaign is also a pioneering effort in bridging religious, political, ethnic and geographic divides.

Since its launch in November last year the campaign has achieved significant early success. Some 85 members of Parliament have signed the campaign appeal, along with the then President of Iraq, Jalal Talabani, the Oil Minister and many community organisations, businesses and other political leaders. The key parliamentary drafting committee has consulted with the campaign's coordinating group, the National Labour Campaign Committee NLCC, and MPs are petitioning for the legislation to be debated in Parliament.

But in an alarming and recent reminder as to why fair and just labour laws are needed, a government committee entrusted with overseeing trade union elections is attempted replace the legitimate leadership of the Iraqi Teacher's Union (ITU) with its own stooges. This is in clear violation of national court rulings, many parts of government, the Iraqi constitution and the ILO Convention on Freedom of Association.

With a new government currently being formed, Iraqi trade unions want to raise the profile of the campaign, to make it a top legislative priority - and that's where international solidarity is critical. As key campaigner Hashmeya Muhsin from the Electricity Workers Union in Basra recently said in an interview with the International Trade Union Confederation: 'international solidarity matters in such a campaign'. We need it to, '...pressure the Iraqi government to legislate a new, fair and just labour law'. The TUC, along with the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) has formally endorsed the campaign.

Whatever our views on the war, unite to help build the new Iraq

Observer letter

Henry Porter is entitled to reprise his arguments against the intervention in Iraq ("Those who say history will absolve the Iraq warmongers are deluded", Comment).

Those in favour could also argue that a genocidal and fascistic regime can no longer murder its own people or menace its neighbours. But those who took opposing views could unite to assist the actually existing Iraq to overcome the legacy of dictatorship, war, sanctions and occupation.

It's too soon to know whether their democratic experiment will succeed. In the meantime, surely it is important to support Iraqi trade unionists who remain saddled with Saddam's restrictions, to support women's groups and to respond to the appeals, which I have heard in six visits to Iraq since 2006, for increased trade, investment and other exchanges so that they can pull in external expertise and overcome their long isolation from modernity.

Yet many simply ignore Iraqis in favour of a bitter and largely domestic debate. Whatever history says about the intervention, it will also judge whether we did enough to help Iraq afterwards.

Gary Kent

Director, Labour Friends of Iraq

Iraqi Communist Party view on Iraqi Elections

Interview with Salam Ali, member of the Central Committee of the Iraqi Communist Party

Published by “Nameh Mardom, the official organ of the Tudeh Party – Iran (15th March 2010)

Q1. What do you think about the new election laws and increased number of MP's? Apart from preventing the Baathist electoral candidacy, has the “Iraq's Accountability and Justice Commission” imposed any other restrictions on political parties or individuals participating in this election?

The amendments to election law that were passed by dominant forces in parliament on 9 November 2009 were totally undemocratic and constituted a gross violation of the rights of the Iraqi electorate. Articles 1 and 3 of this law, in particular, were designed to maintain the hegemony and control of political power by the ruling political forces and perpetuate the infamous sectarian power sharing system.

This will mean a repetition of the experience in the provincial elections that took place in January 2009, when the “big blocs” stole the votes of more than two and a quarter million people who had given their votes to other “smaller” lists. The same electoral ploy will be used by these same blocs to grab additional seats in the parliament.

The number of MPs has been increased to 325 (compared with 275) in the new parliament, based on an estimated increase of the population to about 32 million during the past 4 years. This highlights one fundamental loophole in the election process, caused by the lack of a proper electoral register based on a population census. Such a census should have taken place by the end of 2009, but was eventually postponed. The electoral register inside Iraq is therefore based on data of the food ration distribution system, which is fraught with errors and open to manipulation. For voters outside Iraq, there is no electoral register (with the eligible electorate estimated at about 1.25 million), thus requiring people to register (according to new arbitrary conditions announced by the Electoral Commission) and vote at the same time.

The measures taken by the “Accountability and Justice Commission”, to exclude candidates who had held senior positions in Saddam’s Baath party and the security organs of the ousted regime, caused a lot of controversy. This is due to the fact that the so-called process of “de-Baathification” (that preceded the promulgation of the Accountability and Justice Law in parliament in early 2008) had been politicized by the ruling Islamic groups. The net outcome of the measures taken on the eve of election was to deepen sectarian polarization, thus playing into the hands of both competing “big” blocs. It was exploited fully by their political leaders to stir up fears among their constituencies and thereby mobilize them once again along sectarian lines. This has exposed, in practice, the true sectarian colours of these forces and their hollow claims of abandoning sectarian positions and adopting a non-sectarian national democratic programme.

Q2. Nearly 300 political parties and groups have formed into 12 blocks competing for 325 parliamentary seats. Is this a sign of weakness and political division? Or does it point to a growing political maturity in Iraq’s politics that recognises the importance of united action?

The most important development since the previous elections is the realignment of forces and the break-up of big political Islamic blocs (both Shiite and Sunni). Some groups within the camp of political Islam had to abandon their openly sectarian position and adopt a national discourse, with some borrowing slogans of democratic forces (e.g. Maleki’s State of Law slate that calls for building “a democratic modern civil state based on institutions and law …etc”.). The defeat of the Supreme Islamic Assembly in the provincial elections in 2009 also forced its coalition (the Iraqi National Alliance) to attempt to change its image, by enticing a few liberal elements to join its candidates in return for promises of seats in the new parliament.

Many small groups decided, following their bitter experience in previous national and provincial elections, to join bigger blocs with the hope of getting into the parliament. The new election law, which was designed to marginalize and effectively eliminate small political entities, also contributed to this process. While the reduction of the number of entities contesting the elections may be seen as a sign of growing maturity in Iraq’s politics, the manipulation of the electoral system to perpetuate the continued hegemony of “big blocs” and control of political power is, however, a very dangerous development that could have grave consequences for the democratic future of Iraq. The current exceptional and transitional stage which Iraq is going through requires political diversity rather than policies of exclusion and political hegemony.

Q3. What is the reaction in Iraq and in particular among the religious groupings regarding the allocation of 25% quota for women which has resulted in 1813 out of approximately 6200 candidates being women?

The 25% quota for women in parliament was endorsed once again in parliament without any real opposition, and despite the poor performance of the many women MPs, especially those belonging to religious parties, during the past 4 years. Women’s organisations and activists campaigned to ensure that this quota system is adhered to in the new “open list” system adopted for the recent elections.

It is important to note that women’s participation in the elections was quite evident and characterised by enthusiasm. This is an indication of growing social and political consciousness in society, in addition to a growing awareness among women of the importance of their role in society, for achieving their rights and enjoying equal opportunities with men.

Q4. ICP is part of the People’s Unity list; what are the key socio-economic components of the People’s Unity’s programme?

The People’s Unity list adopted a detailed programme that included socio-economic and developmental goals. A brief version of this programme was widely distributed during the election campaign. Here are some key points:
Social goals:
- Enactment of a new Personal Status Law to ensure the abolition of all forms of discrimination against women, respect for their rights and empowering them politically, economically and socially, and providing conditions to ensure their participation in public life.
- Attention to the internally displaced and migrants who were forced to leave their homes due to terrorism and sectarian violence. And to eliminate the legacy of criminal campaigns against the Faili Kurds.
- To embrace culture and arts, ensuring their flourishing and promotion, and to reject any attempt to restrict thought and creativity and marginalize intellectuals and creative people.
- To ensure a better life for students and youth, and to provide all the prerequisites for the development of their talents and utilizing their potential.
- To respect the independence of the unions, trade unions, cultural associations and all the civil organizations, and to provide all forms of support to them, so as to enhance their role and contribution in public life, and to accelerate the enactment of a democratic law for civil society organizations.
Economic and developmental goals:
- Work to achieve sustainable economic-social development, infrastructure development, and restructuring the economy to develop and modernize the productive commodity and services sectors and provide the prerequisites for scientific and technological progress.
- To protect national wealth, especially oil, and to rely primarily on direct national investment in its exploitation and management. To employ these resources in the development of the national economy and achieving social justice. And to regulate the management of the hydrocarbon sector and accelerate the promulgation of the Oil and Gas Law.
- To provide government support to the public, private, cooperative and joint economic sectors, and to give priority to these national sectors in tenders, contracts and investment.
- To rehabilitate the factories and industrial installations of the various productive sectors.
- To activate the process of reconstruction and give priority to the disadvantaged and damaged regions.
- To pursue a prudent investment policy by encouraging investment and attracting national and foreign funds to contribute to development and reconstruction.
- To accelerate the rehabilitation of the electricity sector.
- Paying attention to the agricultural sector and bringing it up to self-sufficiency, ensuring food security, paying special attention to combating desertification and drought, and ensuring that Iraq gets a fair share of water.
- Organizing the commercial sector and development of mechanisms and controls regulating the market in order to protect consumers, particularly the poor, and to ensure a good quality of goods and services.

Q5. Was the election held fairly? How was the participation of people, and how do you compare these elections to the last election or the one under the Saddam regime?

The enthusiastic participation of the people in the elections on 7th March 2010, despite criminal terrorist attacks and bombings in Baghdad and other parts of the country, and the killing of 38 innocent people, was clear evidence of the determination of the people to consolidate democratic practice through the ballot box, and to continue the fight for a fully independent and sovereign, unified, democratic and federal Iraq. The voters’ turnout, at 62.4%, was higher than that during the provincial elections in January 2009.

While stressing these positive aspects in the elections, many violations were noted by observers that included the electoral register, election campaigns, the “special voting” (for the security forces), the “media silence day” (a halt to campaigning the day before and during elections), as well as the problematic elections outside Iraq, denying tens of thousands of Iraqis their right to vote.

In addition, due to the non-existence of a law regulating political parties and their funding, there was no control over funding for election campaigns. Billions of dollars, pouring in from outside the country to influence the outcome of the elections, were spent lavishly by dominant forces, on media advertising as well as buying the support of voters.

As to comparison with elections under Saddam, the latter could not even be called elections, but rather a sham process with people being forced out to cast their votes for a single candidate, the dictator, who got over 99% of the votes.

Q6. How would the outcome of this election impact the formation of the new government, withdrawal of foreign troops and US troops in particular, and relations with neighbours in the Middle East region? Can this election affect the political dynamics of our region?

Due to the fact that none of the big electoral blocs will achieve an absolute majority, the formation of the new government will be a protracted process, with political manoeuvring to set up a ruling coalition. Any such government will have to adhere to the terms of withdrawal of American forces as stipulated in the Iraq-US security agreement (with total withdrawal by the end of 2011). The overwhelming support among the Iraqi people for ending the occupation and foreign military presence, and eliminating its legacy, is a powerful factor that would prevent any attempt to circumvent this agreement.

A lot will depend on a smooth transfer to a new government, strengthening national unity and overcoming sectarian tensions that were deliberately accentuated by some forces for their narrow political ends. This will lay the basis for embarking on reconstruction and building the institutions of a modern democratic civil state, based on the principle of citizenship, human rights and social justice. A stable, peaceful, democratic and prosperous Iraq, that enjoys good relations with all its neighbours, is essential for achieving peace and social progress for the peoples of the Middle East and the whole world.

Call to improve Visa system for Iraqis

MPs Dave Anderson and Tony Baldry of Labour Friends of Iraq and Conservative Friends of Iraq respectively have tabled a joint Commons motion which seeks to improve the visa system for Iraqis wishing to come to the UK.

Here is the full text

That this House welcomes Iraq’s second parliamentary elections as a vital step towards a much more stable and democratic Iraq which can re-establish itself in the wider international community after so many years of isolation, sanctions
and dictatorship; notes the widespread desire of Iraqis for increased trade with and investment from other countries as well as a whole host of educational and cultural exchanges and co-operation, most notably with the UK for which many Iraqis have a high regard; further notes that it is extremely difficult for Iraqi citizens who wish to cement such links to obtain visas because they have to travel to third countries and wait there for up to a week rather than being able to apply in Iraq; recognises that this is an onerous process which increasingly
and unfavourably contrasts with the ability to secure Schengen visas to other European countries which may then gain an advantage in securing commercial
links; and urges the Government to review its practice in this regard as a matter of urgency to enable deep and broad relationships for mutual benefit between Iraq and the UK whilst maintaining border controls.

Out of Country Voting Fiasco

Iraqi Association press release 18 March 2010

“Election is often viewed as a crucial peace-building tool in post-conflict countries. This is the third time for expat Iraqis in Britain to participate in the Iraqi election, but the process was flawed and thousands of our community members were deprived to vote, or their ballot papers were destroyed,” said Jabbar Hasan, of Iraqi Association in Hammersmith, London.

The post-conflict elections can jump-start the democratisation process by offering all citizens the opportunity to be involved, and their involvement is critical to giving elected Parliament the legitimacy they need to govern in often difficult circumstances. In Britain, the voting was organised by the Independent High Electoral Commission of Iraq (IHEC) earlier this month on 5th, 6th and 7th March, it was held in London, Manchester and Birmingham. The first Out of Country Voting of 2005 was organised by the International Organization for Migration, it is worth to say that more expat Iraqis voted in 2005 than this time.

The incompetence and poor judgements of IHEC led to unnecessary terrible fiasco here, and concern of the community is growing, that IHEC set restrictive and confused eligibility criteria and did not set dates for registration, but voting process only, and voters’ personal data have been tampered with.

“We had a humpty dumpty process of out of country voting, despite the unpleasant method, we heard today over 40% of the total U.K casting votes were cancelled. We need explanation that despite available resources, why the IHEC has miserably failed in its task to organise the Out of Country Voting.” said Jabar Hasan

Obama and the Liberal Moment

What’s gone wrong? How can he get back on track?

Michael Kazin, Co-editor of the leading US journal, Dissent, and Professor of History, Georgetown University
William D. Barnard, Chair, Democrats Abroad U.K.
John Kampfner, Chief Executive, Index on Censorship, author of Blair’s Wars and Freedom For Sale: How We Made Money And Lost Our Liberty

Dissent Magazine, Democratiya, Compass, Progress, and Renewal invite you to a panel discussion.

A recent New Statesman front cover featured ‘Barack W. Bush.’ Ted Kennedy’s Massachusetts senate seat has gone Republican. Health reform is stalled, again, but bankers’ bonuses are climbing. The rightist Tea Party movement is on the march. And Fox News is officially the most trusted TV network in the US. It wasn’t meant to turn out this way. What’s gone wrong? How can Obama and the Democrats get back on track? What role can progressive ideas and movements play?

The event will take place at 6.30pm (6.10pm entry, coffee and tea available) on Wednesday, March 24 at Mishcon de Reya, Summit House, 12 Red Lion Square, London WC1R 4QD. (Nearest tube: Holborn)

The meeting is free but places are limited. Please RSVP to events@mishcon.com

The online journal Democratiya was incorporated into Dissent in 2009 and is now archived at the Dissent website http://dissentmagazine.org/democratiya.php

Horses for courses

Ranj Alaaldin examines the post-election horse-trading in Iraq

Why UK must revise visa restrictions towards Iraq

This article by Dave Anderson, Meg Munn and Gary Kent at Progress online urges action to improve and increase links between Iraq and the UK.

Need to increase links with Iraq

David Aaronovitch has this thoughtful piece in the Times to which this is a reply.

As one who works daily with Iraqis and has visited the country six times in the last four years, I endorse David Aaronovitch’s point that Iraqis are routinely ignored. Most discussion here has been largely domestic and frozen on 2003 fault lines.

It is massively ironic, for instance, that most Iraqi Kurds (and many other Iraqis) believe they were liberated then but saying this here invites disbelieving mockery by those who assume the worst about Iraq and fear that assisting Iraqi reformers merely vindicates their domestic foes.

Ignoring the actually existing Iraq blinds us to seeing Iraq, warts and all. We could help nurture home-grown democratic institutions whilst giving moral and material assistance, for example, to trade unions which have come back to life but still labour under Saddam’s illiberal restrictions, if not mass murder.

We could support those who advance women’s rights such as the official Women’s Committee of the provincial council in Suleimaniah which has successfully highlighted sexual harassment, founded a Women’s Refuge and created a crèche. This is pretty unique in the Middle East, to say the least.

We would be better able to see Iraq as more than just shorthand for carnage but a country on the move, which has a very high regard for Britain and seeks our investment, trade and cultural and educational exchanges to overcome decades of isolation.

We could reform our clunking visa system which prevents many Iraqis seeking to build such relationships from coming here whilst it is easier to travel to our commercial competitors.

Our often frozen, futile, bitter debate stops us understanding Iraq, helping Iraqi reformers and building mutually beneficial relations with a country that is slowly but I hope surely overcoming the lethal legacy of fascism.

Gary Kent
Director Labour Friends of Iraq

Building Iraq’s Future

This article by the Foreign Secretary David Miliband appears in the current edition of Al Muntada, the paper of the Iraqi Association in Britain.

The second parliamentary elections in Iraq on 7th March are a vital stage in Iraq’s political process. I share the hope of most Iraqis, as eloquently expressed by Iraqi President Talabani recently, that these elections "will provide an opportunity to consolidate our growing democracy and further isolate those who use the bomb and the gun against the will of our own people."

These elections will also contribute to the process of returning Iraq to the international community after many long years of isolation and dictatorship.

It was President Talabani, again, who rightly said of Iraq, "We are a potentially rich country but our legacy is a poor one. We value the ability of British business to unlock our resources through increased investment and by trading with us. Iraq is becoming increasingly open to commerce, which is a means of giving our people the better way of life that they seek and deserve."

I strongly agree that it is in Britain's interest to continue and develop our relationship with Iraqis and am moved when he adds that, "We are proud to be your friends and hope that you will always be our friends, working together for the common good of humanity."

I have seen for myself how keen Iraqi political leaders and ordinary people are to catch up with the rest of the world. There is a thirst for connecting with academics, sports organisations, politicians and business people throughout the world, and the UK and the Iraqi governments are committed to building a new strategic relationship in the diplomatic, economic, cultural and political fields.

Iraqis – politicians and everyday citizens - have told me that they want the UK to play our part in helping Iraq form new relationships, and I am proud that the UK Government is actively helping and encouraging UK companies to play a substantial role in the reconstruction of Iraq's essential infrastructure. British firms are active in Iraq in a range of sectors, including power, water, health, telecommunications, oil & gas, construction and education & training.

The Invest Iraq Conference in 2009 demonstrated our commitment to generating the international investment that will generate jobs and economic growth and which will be key to setting Iraq on the path towards long term prosperity. The conference marked the culmination of the UK Government’s efforts to promote investment, which resulted in proposals worth up to USD $10 billion.

The UK will continue to work with and advise British business on how they can best contribute to the development of Iraq for the benefit of the Iraqi people. Successful elections will do much to provide the security and stability that will see more British and other companies flocking to Iraq to help renew your country.

It remains a vital goal of British foreign policy that Iraqis are able to build a democratic, federal and peaceful country which will also be able to show the value of democratic institutions in the wider Middle East. I know that Iraqis themselves are keen to make their own contribution to rebuilding Iraq, and I am glad we can work together to this end.

I am pleased that Labour MPs such as the Prime Minister's Envoy to Iraq on Human Rights Ann Clwyd, Dave Anderson and Meg Munn as well as Labour Friends of Iraq have been working with Iraqis here and will continue to cement deeper and broader relations between our two countries. Like them, we have also given support to independent organisations such as the new trade unions and women's rights advocates which have emerged since Saddam's fall and which do much to make for a vibrant civil society and democracy.

There is another election on the horizon, here in Britain. I know that the Iraqi Association does its very best to encourage participation by members of the Iraqi community in the country in which they live, and it is vital that you use your vote in what will be an important election. The choice is between a deeply internationalist Labour government and a Conservative Party intent on looking in the rear view mirror and fighting the battles of the past.

There are exciting opportunities ahead for Iraq and the UK will continue to help the Iraqi people seize them. The 7th March is an opportunity for democracy and dialogue prosper over violence, setting the path for stable government, sustainable growth and rising living standards for all Iraqi citizens.

Rt Hon David Miliband MP

Prospects for the parties in the Iraqi elections

Ranj Alaaldin takes a gander at the runners and riders in the crucial second set of parliamentary elections in Iraq, concluding that no single bloc is expected to get a majority, meaning the outcome of the elections and the post-election coalition-building process will be critical in determining the future shape of politics in Iraq.